The policy relevance of meta-theory is frequently debated in both academia and policy circles. Most characterize meta-theoretical debates as exercises in philosophy that has little to do with the daily conduct of politics.
However, I came across two striking examples that demostrate how these debates indeed guide policy making and thus practice.
In 1931, during the Third Congress of the Republican People Party, Secretary General Recep Peker remarks that
“We consider as ours all those of our citizens who live among us, who belong politically and socially to the Turkish nation and among whom ideas and feelings such as ‘Kurdism, ‘Circassianism’ and even ‘Lazism’ and Pomakism’ have been implanted. We deem it our duty to banish, by sincere efforts, those false conceptions, which are the legacy of an absolutist regime and the product of long-standing historical oppression. The scientific truth of today does not allow an independent existence for a nation of several hundred thousand, or even of a million individuals…” (Peker quoted in Waxman 1997: 9)
This, I believe clearly demonstrates the deterministic, positivistic approach of the era, together with Kemal Atatürk’s saying that “Science is the true guide in life (Hayatta en hakiki mürşit ilimdir)”
This positivist approach, with its claims of absolute truth, seems to have resulted in an oppressive practice that discredits other possibilities about social, political and religious identity; and legal venues for expressing them.
Fastforward to 1980s; after assuming office in the first multi-party elections following the 1980 coup, late prime minister and president Ozal rejected an absolute truth claim that Western civilization was pinnacle of human achievement and instead argued for a synthesis of equally valid Muslim and Western civilizations, which would be embodied in the nation of Turkey (Laciner 2003: 170-2). It is striking how this argument coincides with an era when positivist social science and its claims of objective truth was being challenged by a post-positivist school of thought that makes a case for the existence of multiple, constructed versions of reality.
But, it appears that in Turkish policy-making, rejection of one absolute truth claim does not necessarily entail peaceful coexistence of multiple versions of reality. For example, President Ozal in his argument for a synthesis between Islam and West, did not consider being human or being Anatolian as the common identity but being a Westernized Muslim.
These two examples, I believe, represent only a small fraction the link between meta-theory and practice. Such examples also point to the need for situating the political in a wider context that takes into account the trends in science and society and the relations between the two.
References:
Laçiner, S. (2003). Özalism (neo-Ottomanism): an alternative in Turkish foreign policy?. Yönetim Bilimleri Dergisi, 1(1). pp. 170-2
Waxman, D. (1997). Islam and Turkish national identity: A reappraisal.Mediterranean Quarterly, 80. p.9